This weekend marked the ‘launch’ of our ideas into action. On Saturday at 2pm people who were attending the forum got word that there was a fire at Cemetery Village. Those from Cemetery village quickly left the meeting. Vuyani (one of the members of the team meeting with the city) called me. We discussed the situation and it was agreed that he leave the meeting and go
and assess the situation. On arrival at the scene he found 6 shacks that had been burnt. Immediately we decided to contact the Principle Field Officer PFO of that area (who has also been part of our meetings).

Vuyani did not have enough airtime and asked if I could call Gerald. I did and he agreed to send 6 starter packs this morning. I gave him Vuyani’s contact details and this morning city officials contacted Vuyani and delivered the 6 starter packs.

Tomorrow Melvyn, Vuyani and two Ikhayalami staff members will go onto site to see if people need additional material. According to Vuyani only three families are short with material. They will assess and then we will see how what additional support is needed.

We have succeeded in building up a working relationship with the PFO’s and this has and ought to in future stand us in good stead. Well done Vuyani!!!

Download the paper here.

Between 2003 and 2007, prior to the financial crisis, economic growth in Brazil averaged 5% a year — its best performance in more than 25 years.

There was also progress in education and poverty alleviation, eradication of HIV/Aids and inequality, the Achilles heel of modern Latin America. Although the Brazilian economy is expected to decline in 2009, this will be far less than the Latin American average.

Growth projections for 2010 are about 2% to 3% and general sentiment is positive for Brazil’s upward socioeconomic trajectory.

Most supporters of the so-called “leftist model” in Latin America attribute these results to President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s inclusive social programmes.

But the reality is a complex, delicate blend of social policies and progressive economics that has, in time, matured into a model of developmental success.

Once described as the country that will always have potential (and will never realise it), Brazil was trapped in mediocre growth and a dismal investment record after an economic boom between 1965 and 1975 when the country grew on average 10% a year.

By the 1980s economic slowdown and social neglect had created unacceptable poverty levels and enormous income inequalities, even though Brazil is one of the world’s largest food producers and blessed with natural resources.

Today more than 40-million Brazilians are poor, living on less than $2 a day. Levels of inequality are on a par with South Africa, but more severe than in countries such as India, Chile and Nigeria.

The richest 10% of Brazilians account for nearly 50% of the national income, whereas the poorest 50% account for only 10%. But things are changing.

Sustained economic growth has brought confidence and the economy appears more resilient to the global crisis.

In 2007 foreign investment reached record levels of $35-billion. A favourable trade balance, with exports exceeding $700-billion, has driven Brazil’s export-led growth. The Brazilian stock market has performed well.

Last year the Brazilian commodities and futures exchanges merged to become the second-largest exchange in the Americas.

Brazil has adopted a more assertive foreign and commercial policy through a vigorous investment drive across Latin America and Africa, coupled to an increasingly liberal trade policy. This approach, with new-found oil reserves off the coast of Brazil, is part of a plan to fuel its next long-term growth cycle.

But it is Brazil’s success in social development that has piqued the interest of South African policy thinkers.

Shortly after his election in 2003, Lula da Silva launched an ambitious programme to end hunger. Fome Zero or “Zero Hunger” is a novel approach that combats hunger and malnutrition by combining this with other social priorities such as education, healthcare and a grounded family structure.

The programme targets the neediest households in a particular community and provides food coupons in exchange for school attendance or skills training. This aims to empower the needy and ultimately integrate them into the formal economy.

Since 2003 the number of poor people — those living on less than $1 a day — has dropped by 21%, from 15.4-million to 11.3-million in 2008.

By 2010 Lula da Silva hopes to be able to deliver three meals a day to every family in Brazil. Most seem to agree on the basic formula behind the social progress.

First, difficult structural reforms and economic liberalisation in the 1990s under the former president Fernando Henrique Cardoso provided the necessary revenues for Brazil to benefit from the commodity boom and implement far reaching social policies.

The Lula da Silva administration says that Cardoso’s macro policies laid the foundation for Brazil’s positive outlook today.

Second, an initial push for economic growth was essential. Without growth — and a benign international environment — the country would never have had the resources necessary for effective social programmes and delivery.

Third, a coherent policy framework that serves the dual purpose of economic growth and social delivery through careful husbanding of resources is essential.

Nevertheless, the Brazilian ministry of planning, budget and management says that linking macroeconomic policy and public spending remains a challenge.

Fourth, social programmes have been well structured, clearly targeted, thoroughly managed and supported by government and non-government institutions — including local community groups. These institutions are involved at various levels of planning at both the federal and state level.

Finally, leadership was key. Lula da Silva’s greatest achievement has been his ability to create consensus between the powerful labour unions and organised business on what is required in a country notorious for its divergent interests.

The Cardoso-Lula da Silva succession has proved an effective combination. After the rhetorical priority of structural adjustment in the 1990s, the country has — as one Brazilian official put it — become normal under Lula da Silva.

It is no longer sidetracked by silver-bullet solutions for growth prevalent in the 1980s and 1990s and is more open to international dialogue on policy and integration.

Brazilians admit that the country is still grappling to overcome patronage and instil meritocracy in public service. Political expediency means that a lot of planning is still short term.

The future is also in question as the country prepares for elections in 2010 when the president completes his second and final term.

Brazil has shown that a balanced approach to growth and development can work in developing countries and under difficult socio-economic challenges when social policies and economic reforms are integrated to meet common goals through conscientious planning and leadership.

Elizabeth Sidiropoulos is national director and Dr Lyal White is research associate at the South African Institute of International Affairs

Source: ‘Mail & Guardian‘ 25th August 2009

The analogy is admittedly quite crude, perhaps even far fetched but after attending the Joe Slovo Press media briefing on 24 September 2009, I left with a sense that the people of Joe Slovo were the yearning belly while the government was of course…THE hand. I listened attentively and with great pride as the community task team leader, Mr. Mzwanele Zulu presented the communities needs and expectations of government. Mr. Zulu indicated that the members of his community had struggled against relocation since 2006 but that of late there had been promising consultation between the government and the community. Driven by this hope (and perhaps to ward off the temptation of biting the hand), the community had gathered demographic  information which would aid government in addressing the needs of the community. 36 community members volunteered to undertake the profiling exercise with the help of CORC.

On the afternoon that the Joe Slovo was to present their findings to the MEC of Housing and his colleagues, we were told that he would not be in attendance. However, in the spirit of fair play and ‘no hand biting’, the community made it very clear that despite their long battle, they were still very interested in reaching a solution to their housing and relocation problem through co-operative and consultative means. ‘We are fighting against the government itself, if anything we are fighting to bring them to the party’ was the message that was echoed throughout the meeting. Loosely translated, no matter how hungry we get, we will not bite your hand to fill our painful and restless bellies. At a time when the government is the enemy for poor service delivery everywhere else in South Africa, it was a refreshing stance for the Joe Slovo community leadership to take.

Despite the absence of the Housing MEC, the meeting was attended by officials from the Provincial Housing department who showed great excitement for the community profiling report and entering into deliberations with the community of Joe Slovo.

The events of this meeting therefore challenged the idea that the poor are ‘impatient’ and ‘always waiting for the government to take the lead’ in their development. The Joe Slovo not only took their development into their own hands – they too extended their hand to feed the under-resourced, over burdened belly of the government.

I congratulate the community of Joe Slovo Task Team, the Joe Slovo community and CORC on producing a fantastic resource in the Joe Slovo Household Enumeration report. I am hopeful that with this in hand and the commitment of the Provincial representatives that attended the meeting we will hear of and see even greater co-operation in working towards meeting the needs of the Joe Slovo community and realising the South African government’s housing provision commitment to its people.

Today at 16h30, as the community of Joe Slovo, we will be holding a media briefing around the enumeration of the whole settlement of Joe Slovo.  We have done a detailed survey and we need to share this information with the public because we assert that we, as the community, can do development work ourselves.

Download the paper here.

There were representatives from a number of organisations/areas including Backyard Dwellers, Philippi, the TPA, Manenberg, Jacksonville, Grassy Park and Lotus River. From these brief presentations, various common themes emerged. People said that they were tired of paying rent and that they wanted houses. They had no water, electricity or sanitation. Furthermore, people were sick and their houses were flooding. Government had not delivered on its promises. These organisations, whether they represented shack dwellers or backyard dwellers, were all concerned with the common purpose of trying to obtain housing.

Roland
Even though the City of Cape Town had confirmed last week that it would be sending representatives from the relevant areas (Joe Slovo, Manenberg and Macassar) all of the representatives had withdrawn on Monday afternoon. There was representatives from the CCT and from the province who were there as observers and would be taking reports back to their departments.

Jerry – Informal Settlements Network
The Informal Settlements Network programme is operating throughout South Africa. The process started last year and aims to ensure that there is unity amongst the poor and that they are all heard with one voice. Groups of informal settlements throughout South Africa are participating in this process. We believe we must fight poverty on all fronts. Housing is one aspect of the cause we’re fighting for. Even where people obtained RDP housing, they are still living in abject poverty. They have small houses, and there are no community structures such as schools, clinics and jobs. If you only fight for housing you are giving the state a blank cheque – they’ll build a house for you in Delft even if you live in Joe Slovo. It is important to first find land close to where you work. The land must also be accessible to other forms of infrastructure.

In South Africa all townships are historically away from the city centres. People must be closer to the points of social infrastructure. We’d like to invite all those present to form a partnership or coalition to address the issues of poverty.

The state has national structures. We only have ourselves. There’s no point in fighting separately. We must come together. There cannot just be forums where people come forward to discuss their difficult circumstances. We need to discuss the way forward. While the context is political, the organisation is non-party political and is thus not aligned to a particular party. We need to put aside the nametags of ‘Fedup’, ‘PPM’ or ‘Backyard Dwellers’ and must look at the common factors that brings us together. We should fight the scourge of poverty.

Natalie – Grassy Park area (also part of Backyard Dwellers and another association)
Natalie discussed the development of the group. While they had been promised 6000 houses by the MEC, nothing happened after the elections. They will have a launch as soon as possible. They are currently in the planning process.

Melanie – Manenberg
We have created unity amongst all of the housing associations here and now just have one body. We are still waiting for results. Floods and fires affect all shacks no matter where they are situated. We (backyarders) are currently facing evictions. There is surplus land in Manenberg and we have requested to be able to put up structures. The land used to belong to Consol Glass and now belongs to the people. We don’t have the answers and government officials are not here. But we can empower ourselves and help ourselves. Even though government subsidies have increased, the criteria remain the same and some people who have been on the waiting list for years still do not meet the criteria. The government officials who were put in power don’t listen to us, but we can take the power back. Everywhere you look it’s a waiting process. We must stand together.

Representative from Manenberg
Informal settlements are being prioritised, but what about backyarders? We’re here to engage but government is not here and that’s not fair. Government must come forward.

Mzwanele – Joe Slovo
On 10 March 2009 there was a fire in Joe Slovo. We received assistance from iKhayalami, CORC and SDI. They made passages between the houses so that in future, fire fighters can pass by there. We can upgrade the settlement ourselves without waiting for government. The only problem is councillors who only represent themselves. We need councillors who are compassionate and who have the interests of the people in mind. Because we’ve started the Informal Settlements Network, even if it will take a few years, it will work.

Decisions are being made that are directly and indirectly affecting us, and are affecting us negatively. Since 2006 we’ve engaged with government. Things must change. Government is saying that Joe Slovo should be densified and in situ. Development is happening. We must be part of it. But the development in Joe Slovo is not intended for the people of Joe Slovo but for the middle-class people. We have engaged government to ask them to change the plans but we are told that they cannot be changed. This is duplication from apartheid. We must move away from this. We want development in situ. They can build 4-10 storey houses in Joe Slovo provided that it’s close to workplaces. We should be part of development in our communities and should be involved in decision making.

Government should have adhered to all of the principles that were set out in the judgment of the Constitutional Court. We still need the Constitutional Court to control government when they go astray. The province is writing a report about how development of Joe Slovo can be done (following the CC judgment). We are still waiting on this. The Constitutional Court is also currently facing a lot of its own issues.

Representative from Macassar
Everybody from backyard dwellers to informal settlements has the same story. There are no government officials to listen to these stories. We will fight with everything we have. At the end of the day we need to engage government.

Roland then gave everybody a chance to meet and exchange details. He also provided details of upcoming meetings that were taking place in different areas, and closed the forum.

Download it here.

Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 13, No. 2, 45-59 (2001)
DOI: 10.1177/095624780101300204

The contracts were approved by former city manager Wallace Mgoqi and his chief financial officer Ike Nxedlana.

City manager Achmat Ebrahim on Thursday told Parliament’s Standing Committee on Public Accounts (Scopa) that he had legal advice from Ashley Binns-Ward SC that the “entire N2 Gateway project was done in a statutory vacuum” and that there was evidence of financial negligence by Nxedlana.

Mgoqi, who signed off Cyberia’s payments, also authorised the irregular expenditure of R9m for a consultant for the Jewellery City project that never got off the ground.

Ebrahim said the legal opinion, received this week, indicated the city could take action against the former senior employees.

The nature of this action still had to be decided and Ebrahim said the legal opinion would be referred to the council in the next two months.

The Scopa said those involved had to be brought to book.

“Someone has to go to jail,” said Inkatha Freedom Party MP Narend Singh.

Democratic Alliance MP Mark Steele said the Cyberia contract, because of the irregularities, could be null and void.

“We are looking for the recovery (of money) or prosecution.”

Scopa chair Themba Godi said: “Action does need to be taken against anyone who played a role in this fruitless expenditure.”

But Nxedlana, now with the Richard’s Bay Industrial Development Zone, said on Thursday the allegations made in Scopa were “a joke”.

“I have a track record of keeping my hands clean. I have never misspent a penny.”

He said he would consider taking legal action to clear his name if necessary.

Mgoqi could not be reached for comment and former mayor Nomaindia Mfeketo’s cellphone was off.

In response to questions by the Scopa following the release of a special audit on the N2 Gateway project, Ebrahim explained that a technical evaluation team had ranked Cyberia sixth of 11 bidders.

This recommendation should have been sent to the external Goods, Services and Property Advisory Board (GSPAB), but instead it was sent to Mgoqi and Mfeketo for an “emergency decision”.

Instead of signing off the recommendation, they referred it to the GSPAB.

The board convened an unscheduled meeting on December 17, 2004 with only four of seven members present.

The recommendation for Cyberia was then sent to the city’s Supply Chain Management Committee.

An independent forensic audit commissioned by the city found the board acted outside of its mandate by performing its own evaluation.

Nxedlana approved the appointment of Cyberia that same day, without first establishing whether there was a business plan or funding.

Ebrahim said Cyberia had expertise in information technology, not construction.

He said officials asked Mgoqi to do an audit of the adjudication, but the city manager said he did not want to interfere with Nxedlana’s decision.

The city conducted a forensic audit of Cyberia’s contract in 2006 when the DA administration took over.

Those findings were given to the Auditor- General for investigation.

Richardson said a paper trail proved some officials had voiced concerns about payments to Cyberia, but were over-ruled by former chief operations officer Rushj Lehutso and Mgoqi.

Ebrahim said the senior officials implicated in the Cyberia tender irregularity had left the city council. Mthuthuzeli Swartz, who was head of the executive management when he was suspended because of involvement in the Jewellery City tender, was part of the GSPAB that recommended Cyberia.

He later resigned, as did Lehutso who, with Mgoqi, extended Cyberia’s contract without a competitive procurement process.

The other member of the GSPAB was Bulumko Msengana, who is currently executive director of utility services.

Housing director-general Itumelang Kotsoane admitted the national Housing Department allocated funding for N2 Gateway without a proper plan.

City service delivery integration executive director
Mike Marsden said officials on the N2 Gateway steering committee had told political leaders the target of building 22 000 houses in six months was unrealistic.

“We were told the construction of the 22 000 units was non-negotiable,” Marsden said.

Source: ‘Cape Times‘ 7th August 2009